The Cameroons: Failure to recognise the Tontine Union

The Dramatic Confrontation over Power Rotation in Cameroon
Copyright January 2016; Nfor N Susungi

At a time when numerous voices are being heard across the country calling on President Paul Biya to stand again for the Presidential elections of 2018, I believe that it is dangerous to remain silent in articulating the challenges facing Cameroon in the next couple of years.

Cameroon as we know it is the product of a union which took place in 1961 between the French Speaking Cameroun Republic and the British Southern Cameroons. The union took place without any formal union treaty being signed between the two parties. The result is that no instrument of ratification was sent to the UN Secretariat in accordance with article 102 of the UN Charter.

By contrast the Tanzanians were diligent in not making the same mistake as Cameroon. The Tanzanian Union Treaty between Tanganyika and Zanzibar was signed on 22 April 1964. The parliament of Tanganyika ratified the union treaty on 25 April 1964 and filed the instrument of ratification to the UN Secretariat in accordance with article 102 of the UN Charter. It is on the basis of this ratification instrument that Tanzania can claim that its territorial waters extend to 12 nautical miles east of Zanzibar.

Notwithstanding this lacuna, the two territories (the Cameroun Republic and British Southern Cameroons) have lived together in an informal arrangement which was based on a constitution adopted in 1961 and subsequently amended several times. But as the original union has no legal basis for its existence under international law, it has been described as a “Tontine Union”, a metaphorical parody of the hundreds of thousands of informal ethnically based associations in Cameroon which form the bedrock of the informal financial sector called the Tontine or Njangi.

The principle of rotation of power has been one of the unwritten principles in this Tontine Union in recognition of the fact that the union can only be maintained through some mechanism of power sharing or rotation between the English-speaking Southern Cameroons and the French-speaking Cameroun Republic.

The power-movement trajectory shows that since 1961 the French-speaking Cameroun Republic has held on to Presidential power for a total of 55 years of which President Paul Biya has exercised single-handedly for 33 years so far. The challenge facing Cameroon now is what should happen to the political power in 2018 when Paul Biya’s current mandate expires?

Paul Biya’s people of the South Region have orchestrated a movement demanding that President Paul Biya should again stand for reelection in 2018 when he will be 85 years old. But there is a growing movement in the Southern Cameroons which is demanding that the time has come for President Paul Biya to hand over power to someone from the British Southern Cameroons.

If President Paul Biya does make adequate arrangements to hand over power to someone from the British Southern Cameroons, then the Tontine Union can continue as before. However, if he fails to transfer power to the Southern Cameroons in 2018, what is likely to happen is the following:

1. The results of the Signature Referendum of September 1995 that was conducted in Southern Cameroons by the SCNC shall be submitted to the Peace and Security Council of the African Union as the instrument that confers legitimacy and backing for a demand that the Tontine Union of 1961 should be formally dissolved;

2. The results of the signature referendum which was supported by John Ngu Foncha and Solomon Tandeng Muna before their deaths showed overwhelming support for the Southern Cameroons to achieve full independence by peaceful separation from the Cameroun Republic; To this extent the Signature Referendum of 1995 annuls the plebiscite of February 11, 1961.

3. A UN Security Council Resolution shall be proposed, through the Peace and Security Council of the African Union, to formally recognize the dissolution of the Tontine Union of 1961 leading to the creation of two independent sovereign States: The Cameroun Republic (for the French Speaking part) and the British Southern Cameroons (likely to be known as the Republic of Ambazonia).

If the Peace and Security Council of the African Union and the UN Security Council fail to act on the demand for the peaceful dissolution of the Tontine Union, then a major civil war should be expected which shall spread to Biafra, the Niger Delta and the Bakassi Peninsula and beyond. But the result will be the same in the sense that the outcome shall be the dissolution of the Tontine Union in Cameroon. This is what my crystal ball is showing me.

Copyright January 2016; Nfor N Susungi

The People's Call: Understanding The Early Calls

The people's call has come to be a contagious disease spreading from regions to regions across the Cameroons. The call began with worshippers of Biya's regime from the South Region. Praise singers from the Centre took over the call and relayed the baton to people from the littoral. CPDM senators also danced to the same tune and called on the natural candidate to run come 2018. It is evident that all ten regions will take their turn. It is just a matter of time before the hallelujah song starts moving around.

But have we bothered to ask ourselves, why the call now in 2016, two years before the election? This is what political pundits and insight sources suggest. They revealed that in 2016, Biya would cause the Parliament to create the post of the Vice President who will become a direct successor after the President. Biya in late 2016 will call for early elections in October 2017 instead of 2018 taking the opposition by ambush. Biya will then run for the Presidential elections heading to the so called people's call. ELECAM will ensure that Biya wins the 2017 early Presidential elections.

In 2018 October, Biya will resign gracefully and his constitutional heir, which would be the Vice President appointed in 2016 must have been thrilled by Biya and France will take over as President of the Republic and then finishes the remaining 6 years of Biya's term.

The Vice President will neither be an "Anglophone" nor would it be any person closer to the other regions in the Francophone zone.

This is the underlying call for Biya to run again so political insiders reveals.

God is still saying something.

Elections in the Cameroons: The Place Of "Anglophones"

People from the Cameroons (La Republique Du Cameroun and Southern Cameroons) understands very well the political situation back home. For those who have studied both regimes of Ahidjo and Paul Biya vis-a-vis the western influence will somewhat agree with me. For those who understand how political change is being achieved will agree with me. For those who have been waxing for change in the Cameroons will agree with me. We would agree that we cannot just fold our arms and expect some other people to bring the change we seek. We must go for it.

Now, I understand the place of the diaspora. We have our roles. Our role is limited. Because of some reasons, we can freely talk and propagate ideas, but once such ideas or talks do not translate on the ground then it is good as nothing. However, this will not stop us from talking.

However, the focus of this talk is based on Southern Cameroonians or call them Anglophones who have decided to participate in the electoral process in the Cameroons. Many old, young and new politicians are coming up, but most of us have been in a bit to knock them out before they even start. I had always posited that the independence of Southern Cameroons is legitimate and within international law, in fact, it is our right to achieve self-determination but such will not come only from talking and wishful thinking.

Therefore Ambazonia or not, Southern Cameroons or not. We must come to the reality that Southern Cameroons is part and parcel of La Republique as in under occupation. Part and Parcel in this sense, I mean to say, La Republique has taken Southern Cameroon as part of its own territory that's why Southern Cameroonians uses her money, flag, sings her anthem etc. La Republique has given Southern Cameroonians though a subjugated people an opportunity to run for offices from Councils to the Highest office though most often the regime in place steals the victory from the people.

We cannot refuse those Southern Cameroonians who have decided to participate in any of those elections, no we cannot take such right from them. It is their political decision and they should be ready to bear the consequences. Change they say come from a committed few not from a majority following. Those agents who are eager for an independent Southern Cameroons should not depend on others political vision. This is what they should and must do.

1. Sell your ideologies
2. Propagate it very well
3. Go into action to achieve this dream
4. Slaughter any person on your way who seem to take that dream from you.

If your dream comes to fruit, both victors, losers, opportunist will have no choice than to join. After all, no one is more Southern Cameroonian than the other. I hate to hear activist of Southern Cameroons shunning those who want to participate in the Cameroons to bring political change in their own way. Let them be, do yours and let our action speak. We must understand the political realities in the Cameroons. I guess you that is reading me know where I belong.

I have spoken.

God is still saying something.

SWELA SHAMES GOVERNMENT, STANDS BEHIND NFON MUKETE

FINAL COMMUNIQUE FROM SWELA GENERAL ASSEMBLY

The General Secretariat of the South West Elite Association, SWELA, held an urgent meeting of the Association in Kumba, the Association’s Headquarters on Monday, 25th January 2016. The Meeting, chaired by the Secretary General, was attended by members of the General Secretariat, Divisional Presidents and Special Invitees.
After frank and in-depth deliberations on current issues affecting the South West Region in particular and the Anglophones at large, SWELA resolved and issued the following public communiqué.

1. SHABBY TREATMENT TOWARDS SENATOR NFON V.E. MUKETE
That we the South West Elite Association and all Anglophones of goodwill vehemently condemn the poor treatment our Patriarch Senator NFON V.E. MUKETE has of recent been receiving from Government for being vocal against Anglophone marginalization in this Country especially the cause for genuine Bilingualism.
That we solidly stand behind the Respectable Patriarch, and totally adhere to his ideas.

2. TRANSFORMATION OF CDC
That the Nationalization of CDC, just like the National Produce Marketing Board which collapsed and liberalization came and left the farmers with mushroom conservative societies without personnel and follow up. CDC operations like Pamol are based on the Common Law System. That a decree already signed by the President of the Republic stipulating the implementation of the OHADA Law which indeed is an off-shoot of the Civil Law System and the possible movement of the Headquarters to any part of the Country by the General Assembly leaves SWELA completely opposed to the move. CDC remains the only legacy to the South Westerners and Anglophones at large, SWELA orders that CDC should be left in her OLD STATUS.

3. THE ANGLO-SAXON SYSTEM OF EDUCATION
That SWELA recognizes the efforts made by CATTU and TAC concerning the preservation of the English-Speaking Sub-System of Education,
Mindful of Section 15(1), Chapter I of Part III of the Education Law No. 98/004 of 14 April 1998, the idea of harmonization of two cultures which are virtually parallel is not feasible, and therefore this is a show of alienating the Anglophones, defrauding them of their cultural heritage; hence making them strangers in their own homeland.
Thus, SWELA calls on Government not to continue with the dismantling of the English-Speaking Sub System of Education (Anglo-Saxon System). We also note with regrets the alienation we are going through in HTTTC of the Universities of Bamenda and Buea which show a bias in the student enrolments, teaching staff and the syllabus disorientation. SWELA calls on Government to respect the Law No. 98/004 of 14/4/1998 including the Higher Institutions of learning for Culture and Education are interwoven. SWELA notes that the identity of a people is known through their cultures, and if this is denied them, they become alienated and defrauded in their own system. Anglo-Saxon Education speaks of “Vice Chancellor” while the French-Speaking Education System speaks of “Rector”, and therefore let everything be done decently.

4. THE COMMON LAW JUDICIAL SYSTEM
That SWELA reiterates that the Bi-Jural system of the Judiciary in the Country should be respected. We call on Government to respect the Common Law and allow it to be practiced wholly in the North West and South West Regions unpolluted.

5. LIMBE DEEP SEA PORT
That SWELA laments on the non commencement of construction of the Limbe Deep Sea Port, promised since September 1991, SWELA calls on Government to include this in the list of Emergency Project to boost the realization of Vision 2035.

6. 1996 CONSTITUTION
That SWELA regrets the inability of the Government to create the Regional Councils and implement Article 66 of the Constitution. Therefore SWELA calls on Government to specially put these structures in place.

7. DIVISIONAL GENERAL ASSEMBLIES
That Divisional General Assemblies shall be held in all the six Divisions of the Region before the Silver Jubilee Celebrations slated for October 2016. Each of the Divisional Assemblies shall be spiced with an Empowerment Summit.

8. VIGILANCE
That SWELA calls on all Anglophones within and in the Diaspora to note and be vigilant on these marginalization and assimilation policies being tactfully pursued by the powers that be.

DONE IN KUMBA, Monday January 25, 2016

MOKI JOSEPH ETUKENI
South West Elite Association

Decentralising the University of Bamenda: On-going debate.

Universities are ’bridges’ to the global knowledge economy and serves to sustain local communities. Before and after the creation of University of Bamenda, Politicians and Fons from North West Region (Northern Zone of Southern Cameroons) have been on each others throat whether the University of Bamenda campuses should be decentralised across the region. Politicians who favour the decentralisation policy of the University of Bamenda say so due to the complex nature of economic and social effects such a policy will bring across the region. They argue that public actors have to formulate objectives not only concerning the quality of science and education, but also concerning the role of the university in local and regional economic as well as social development. The below-mentioned faculties and or schools are created in the decree that created the University of Bamenda. Some are operational while others will go operational as the resources become available. Some politician such as Dr Nfor N Susungi has proposed the following composition:

1. Faculty of Arts and Architecture: Bafut Campus
2. Faculty of Medicine: Nkambe Campus
3. Faculty of Law: Batibo Campus.
4. Faculty of Education: Wum Campus.
5. Faculty of Arts and Science: Mbengwi Campus.
6. Faculty of Social Science: Fundong Campus.
7. Faculty of Engineering: Kumbo Campus.
8. Faculty of Agriculture: Ndop Campus.
9. Faculty of Theology: Bali Campus.
10. Faculty of Journalism and Mass Communication :Ndu Campus
11. Faculty of Health and Human Sciences: Kumbo Campus.

The main administrative campus will remain in Bamenda coordinated by the Vice-Chancellor. The Faculties would be coordinated by deans resident at the respective areas within the region. The policy supporters argue that such a decentralisation policy will move smoothly as those areas have large human and natural resources capable of transforming such campuses into the bedrock of Cameroon's emerging economy by 2035.

Personally, I support the decentralisation policy of the Bamenda University because such a policy will cause an expansion and/or enhances regional productivity. The average productivity in those areas will be higher and there would be more economic gains in each of those areas. It will lead to an industrialised and economic boom in the North West region. The people from the North West Region are naturally hard working people, the true potentials of the people and their region will blossom.

However, this can only be possible if all areas within the campuses are linked by good roads to enhance students and staff mobilities. The decentralisation might be costly both human and economic wise as some courses might be jointly offered by students from different faculties taught by same lecturer. In this case, the University would be forced to offer the same course to two different lecturers as it becomes impossible for students to move from say Kumbo to Mankon to take just a course. However, this can only be possible if all areas within the campuses are linked with good roads to enhance students and staff mobilities.  However, with the advent of technology, in this case, there might be video link technology to sort this out. Again, with the rate of poverty, would students be able to cope with the means to engage in video technology lectures? Would the University be able to provide such technologies? What about the man power i.e the lecturers to flood these different areas? Would they be ready to reside in these remote areas while the areas take their speedy economic developments?  

What have you?

God is still saying something.

Dissecting the name Kamerun: A Susungi change of political strategy

Dr Nfor Susungi, 2018 Presidential candidate under the platform of UNIKAM has experience within his life time a shift in political strategy. He began as a strong militant of the SDF to a fervent supporter of Southern Cameroons independence where he wrote a paper titled " The Economy, Political and Constitutional Plan of Republic of Ambazania". Presently he has changed political strategy  to run for the 2018 Presidential elections wherein he intends to change the name of the Country to Republic of Kameroon under the platform of UNIKAM which would see a more regionalized state with state institutions spread across the Cameroons.

Questioning him on why he wrote the paper about Ambazania (Southern Cameroons), he declared "  I am the author of this document because a bunch of young men got together and came up with a government of the British Southern Cameroons in which I was made Minister of Finance without being consulted in advance. I did not turn down the appointment. So I sat down and prepared this document until I discovered the group of people involved and resigned my appointment as Finance Minister. Again because I realized that all the people involved in the Government of the British Southern Cameroons just talk but they don't have ideas which can explain to the general public how an independent Southern Cameroons would look like. I always take time to do my home work because I have ideas that are usable everywhere"

On the reasons why the name was Ambazania and not Ambazonia as popular known today, he had this to say "The difference was that Ambazania was the SCAPO name while Ambazonia was the Gorji Dinka name. That was one of the main reasons why we disagreed and I resigned from the government "

Nfor Susungi has recently been a strong advocate of a United Kameroon with a radicalise new plan on how the country will function. Quizzed on why a shift in political strategy to run as a candidate under the same Cameroun he once rejected, he had this to say " My thinking is that many Southern Cameroonians are comfortable with the situation in Cameroon even with all the problems that we have now. They are not willing to go on a huge adventure of independence. That is why my political strategy is to see how we can take corrective action in the present political dispensation in Cameroon now".

However Ayaba Cho Lucas, advocate for Southern Cameroons independent state AKA Ambazonia had very sharp words for Nfor Susungi. Hear him " The people of Ambazonia know the truth. That truth is not buried in archives. It will neither be told by Susungi nor myself. That truth is their daily reality. Many actors will take the stage to use that reality and seek a mandate to change it. Some will manipulate it when it suits them. Others will ask for a mandate and even when we give them the result of a referendum, it will not satisfy them. When we ask them to offer one, they are scared. In any case, Ambazonia whether coined by Satan or an Angel is a reality that can not be wished away by the pleasantries and spin of the moment. Mandate or no mandate, no one will take us for Foncha or Muna. We are not riding this horse presented by the bullies who think they can tweak history and justify annexation "

Ayaba continues "I have read Dr. Susungi make bold claims which are very untrue and sometimes very childish- Who made you Minister of Finance? Where you consulted? And why will you accept an offer when you were not consulted? This is the mystery about your changing positions as far our struggle is concerned. I want you to tell the truth how you became minister of finance in a government you knew nothing about; until you believed in it and drafted an economic policy of that government. I also want you to post for history the resignation letter you submitted and to whom. Dr. Susungi, look you have the right to campaign to become president of Heaven. I hate it but I have not opposed you for obvious reasons. What you do not have is the right to tell blatant lies every time you need to make a case. This is what gets me scared and sick in the stomach"

Question: Should politicians shift major political strategies according to the circumstances or should they stick to their believes and fight till the end? Are Southern Cameroons movement ready to walk the talk this 2016 or would it be same as usual?

God is still saying something.

1st January: La Republique Du Cameroun Independence day; SCNC leader addresses Southern Cameroonians

Nfor Ngala Nfor, Chairman of the Southern Cameroons National Council has addressed an open letter to Southern Cameroonians a day before President Paul, President of La Republique Du Cameroun addressed people from the Cameroons. His letter is dated 31st December 2015, done in Buea, Capital of Southern Cameroons. Highlights of his letter includes:

1. He reminded Southern Cameroonians that 1st January is actually the independence day of La Republique du Cameroun. He wonders within the spirit of his letter why Cameroun does not celebrate her independence day like other nations. He concluded by indicating that, celebration of such an independence day would highlights the independence day of Southern Cameroons-1st October 1961, something the regime does not want.

2. He reminded Southern Cameroonians of their diplomatic moves being currently frustrated by La Republique. Hear him "Yaoundé colonial misinformation and distortion has been taken abroad to sabotage our diplomatic efforts. But every evil has its dooms day. No one can counter Yaoundé’s peddled falsehood and propaganda through paid agents and lobbyists in Brussels, Washington, New York, London, Abuja, Addis Ababa.."

3. He salutes the citizens of Southern Cameroons especially the new awakening, the nationalistic consciousness in the Common Law Lawyers, the Teachers Union, the Commonwealth Journalists Association and the Natural Rulers, among others, that is tearing down the masque, dismantling the Yaoundé imperial propaganda and exposing la Republique du Cameroun annexation and colonial occupation

4. He challenges common law lawyers to formally reinstate the Southern Cameroons Bar Council as a form of defiance and take necessary steps to affiliate with the Commonwealth Lawyers Association (CLA) and others.

5. He reminded Southern Cameroonians that, It is a fact of history that Yaoundé at the UN on April 21, 1961 voted against forming a federal union of two equal states with British Southern Cameroons. By voting against they rejected forming the federal union with us. He continued by stating that the so-called federation of October 1. 1961 – May 20 1972 was a phantom: it was a unitary system enveloped in federation to deceive the world. UNGA Resolution 1608 of April 21, 1961 was never implemented thus no union in conformity with UN Charter Art. 102 and international norms was formed between British Southern Cameroons and la Republique du Cameroun.

6. He salutes the efforts of Chief Nfon Mukete in trying to revive the Southern Cameroons sense of belonging.

7. He concluded by calling on Southern Cameroons to hasten their liberation and restoration in freedom and dignity. He therefore calls on you Southern Cameroonians to bury the blame syndrome, finger pointing, and the so-called NW/SW dichotomy. He went on to say that, what unites them – territory defined in inherited colonial treaties, history, culture, common law, language, world view, among others, are far weightier, tangible and noble than the coloniser’s imposed evil for his prestige and grandeur.

Comments:

After reading from the Chairman. These are my impressions

1. He failed to give a clear cut road map on the way forward for the movement

2. He failed to remind and speak about those Southern Cameroonians in prison

3. He failed to give a clarion call for all factions to come together for the good of the people

4. He failed to signal what concrete steps the movement did in 2015.

Question: How far can the Southern Cameroons movement go in 2016? Do the notion of an independent Southern Cameroons still resonate within the people of Southern Cameroons? Can there be a shift in strategy within the movement?

God is still saying something.